of the American Society for Information Science and Technology Vol. 28, No. 3 February / March 2002 |
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Information and the War Against Terrorism, Part III
New Information-Related Laws and the Impact on Civil Liberties by Lee S. Strickland Lee S. Strickland is a visiting professor in the College
of Library and Information Studies at the University of Maryland. He can be reached by e-mail at In the first article of this series (Bulletin of the American
Society for Information Science and Technology, December/January 2002) we considered information and information network theory as the primary offensive war tools in
the war against terrorism. In the second part (in this issue of the Bulletin), we addressed the critical question whether American intelligence and law enforcement, with their information collection, exploitation and use
responsibilities, were positioned to protect the public. We answered that question in part by highlighting a number of deficiencies in the law and its execution. Here we continue that answer by surveying the newly enacted
information-related laws the USA Patriot Act of 2001 and their impact on our civil liberties. In a subsequent article we will continue with consideration of new security processes from the use of military
tribunals to new frontiers for citizen surveillance. In doing so, we will assess at every juncture the balance between security and freedom and the interplay with technology. As we shall see, many of the criticisms raised to date
take the form of an emotional antipathy toward any intrusion, especially those based on technology. I submit, however, that properly and legally managed technology may actually enhance both our privacy and our cherished concept of
equality before the law. Free of bias, it may not subject us to personal embarrassment or opprobrium in public as may a human agent of the state. Do we prefer a high technology scan of our person or the physical pat-down? If we
understand these benefits, it then becomes somewhat clearer that it is not just the collection of information that should be of concern, rather its maintenance, dissemination and collation with other public and commercial
information hence uses for other purposes that should be of paramount importance. New Information-Related Laws The terrorism of September 11 posed in graphic terms the question of what legal
structure is required to further our security balanced against, of course, the impact upon our civil liberties and privacy rights. The unarguable fact in this electronic age is that very little happens in isolation and without
electronic evidence. But acquiring that informational record can be difficult as information technology advances more quickly than the law. Likewise, effectively using that information can be difficult given bureaucratic borders
and the risk of compromising the human or technical source. It is exactly such problems that led to the proposed and recently enacted USA Patriot Act of 2001 (often referenced as the Anti-Terrorism Act of 2001) as well as certain
other proposals for future consideration. We will consider these legal issues in three broad information-related areas:
In doing so we must remain mindful of the important fact that U.S. law distinguishes between domestic criminal law enforcement activity and foreign counter-intelligence and counter-terrorism activity. As we shall see,
this enhances in one manner the Constitutional freedoms of American citizens but, in another manner, sets roadblocks in the path of protecting the United States from external threats. Law Enforcement and the ECPA
The Electronic Communications Privacy Act (ECPA) regulates the collection of electronic communications information in the context of criminal law enforcement investigations. Enacted as amendments to the
original wiretapping law passed in 1968 (often referred to as Title III), it has a four-tier approach to acquiring a very broad range of electronic communications information. (For details, see the ECPA box accompanying this text.)
The USA Patriot Act makes a number of changes in this scheme, most of which accommodate advances in technology or remove inconsistencies in the protection of information based on its particular format. It
As is evident in my judgment, these changes are in large part logical refinements of the law and, in the case of sharing between law enforcement and intelligence, required as a matter of common sense. Why should
intelligence be barred from tracking leads which exist by virtue of a lawful criminal investigation? To do otherwise would simply invite another surprise attack. There is, however, controversy regarding several of the amendments.
Some concerns are as follows:
Intelligence and the FISA The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of
1978 (FISA) regulates (a) the acquisition of electronic information, (b) physical searches and (c) access to certain types of business records for national security counter-intelligence or counter-terrorism purposes in the United
States. Heretofore, the focus of the FISA statutory authority was solely counter-intelligence (CI) or counter-terrorism (CT), and it was available only where such reasons are the sole or primary
purpose for the warrant. The standard for granting such warrants was a finding of probable cause to believe that the target is a member of a foreign terrorist group or an agent of a foreign power. The issues of
single focus (only if solely CI or CT), limitations on scope (only business records from a few types of businesses) and standards for granting orders (proof of linkage to terrorist organization) have presented problems for the
government. In sum, they have forced the government into an arbitrary and meaningless distinction between law enforcement and intelligence. Further they have unduly restricted CT and CI investigations to those instances in which an
agency relationship could be established between the target and some foreign entity often a near impossibility in this day of amorphous networks. The USA Patriot Act effected some, but not all, needed changes. It
These changes in substantial part simply eliminate the inherent conflict between intelligence and law enforcement, mirror previous changes in the
generally more restrictive ECPA and bring intelligence practices into conformity with law enforcement practices. However, the authority vis-ΰ-vis business records has generated substantial controversy. It is a significant increase
in scope and reduction in judicial oversight from the original 1998 authority where, for the first time, intelligence and terrorism investigations could access a limited scope of records on a showing that the person to whom the
records pertain was an agent of a foreign power. Thus, the original authority required a rather specific showing and the exercise of judicial discretion. The Patriot Act amendments, in the views of critics, effectively remove the
limitations on scope, mandate automatic judicial issuance on a simple statement by the government of relevance to an investigation, and could result in government seizure of entire databases (rather than business records concerning
a given person). In essence, critics argue that the amendments effectively overrule any state or federal law that heretofore protected or insured the privacy of business records. I do not believe this is the likely
effect. First, this authority was seldom used in the past. More important is the fact that the most senior government officials must certify relevance under oath. Given this, it is not readily conceivable that a federal judge would
issue such a broad order without inquiry into the validity of the relevance certification and substantial details as to how the government would justify the collection of information on persons unrelated to the investigation. Thus,
could the government seize entire hard drives and entire banks of e-mail servers? I believe that while it is technically and legally a possibility, it is most doubtful given precedents to date that have invalidated broad, general,
non-particularized warrants as well as warrants for seizure of equipment that are not elements of the criminal enterprise. Despite these changes for
business records, more perhaps remains to be done with respect to traditional intercept and physical search warrants under FISA. It is unclear whether the change to "significant" purpose will reduce the conflicting purposes
problem; perhaps "a" purpose would be a more suitable factor. Even more significant is the problem regarding the standard for granting these warrants. Currently, suspicious behavior on the part of an alien with links to the bin
Laden organization is insufficient to get a FISA warrant (no probable cause of terrorist membership), much less a criminal warrant (no probable cause of a crime). However, it appears that my arguments here for liberalization of the
FISA warrant requirement may be under consideration the December 2, 2001, issues of the Washington Post and the New York Times
have reported that a still-secret proposal to eliminate this restriction has been submitted to Congress at the request of the Senate and House intelligence oversight committees. Other reported, proposed amendments would give intelligence agencies the same authority as the FBI currently has with regard to access to subscriber information for non-U.S. persons living overseas. A sharp legal and political battle may be expected. (For further details, see Other Provisions of the Patriot Act.)
As an aside, neither Title III nor FISA has any application to electronic surveillance activities outside the United States. Such activities are controlled by Executive Order 12333 issued by President Reagan in
1982. If a U.S. citizen or permanent resident alien is so targeted, the Executive Order requires the approval of the Attorney General, who, by internal guidelines, must find that there is probable cause to believe that such person
is an agent of a foreign power. Decisions to target non-U.S. persons are left to the intelligence community. And the vacuum cleaner approach that does not involve targeting of U.S. persons also requires no approval from outside the
intelligence community, although there are limits on the dissemination of information about U.S. persons that is collected "incidental" to an intelligence collection activity.
What Do These Provisions Mean to the Information Professional? What does this complex world of law enforcement warrants, orders and subpoenas, FISA orders and National Security Letters (see the NSL box) mean for
the reader? Quite simply and graphically they highlight the importance of initially and immediately involving your legal counsel whenever government orders are received. Secondarily it mandates the importance of negotiation of the
scope and execution of any orders with government law enforcement generally FBI, U.S. Marshals or the Secret Service. CIA officers never issue any form of process in the United States. Thirdly, it suggests that providers
carefully review their data retention practices and their adopted retention schedules. I have found all too often that management is unaware of the full scope of data acquired by their technical staff or that it is maintained at
some variance with their schedule. For example, the daily erasing of cache files and circulation records may be illusory if the system is configured to retain logging files that allow the recreation of those records. Lastly, the
discussion should caution providers on the importance of good public relations when dealing with such matters. The imbroglios resulting from certain statements by information professionals in the aftermath of September 11 require
caution and a continual emphasis that the legal rules we have considered exist to balance individual Constitutional rights and effective law enforcement. When we request compliance it is to ensure that both objectives are met. Concluding Thoughts The war against terrorism will be long, and there will be a great political temptation to confuse a tactical victory in the coming weeks with a strategic victory over terrorism
and state sponsorship of terrorism in general. If that is the case, the lives lost to date will be in vain. But in holding ourselves to the necessary mission defined by the President, we must be mindful of our important individual
roles as citizens in a representative democracy. Civil liberties must not be mindlessly exchanged for temporal security measures. It is thus incumbent upon our political body to understand and join the debate and hopefully reach an
appropriate balance. In doing so, it is important to remember that there are no absolutes either in terms of rights or security needs. No amendment to the Constitution is absolute; each, from freedom of speech to prohibitions on
government intrusion, has significant limitations. Indeed the words of several of the justices of our Supreme Court about the relationship between security and individual rights are instructive: "It is obvious and unarguable that
no governmental interest is more compelling than the security of the Nation [and while] the Constitution protects against invasions of individual rights, it is not a suicide pact." See, Haig v. Agee, 453 U.S. 280
(1981) and cited cased. Finding that reasonable balance is our task. In the next article, we will continue our examination of the legal impact of the events of September to include new security processes and how technology will
affect the traditional functions of government and, as with new laws, our Constitutional expectations. The ECPA The specific legal rules for criminal law enforcement are as follows:
Other Provisions of the Patriot Act Beyond the changes
related to the acquisition of information discussed in the text of the article, the Patriot Act has other provisions of note. One allows access to education records of students now protected by the Federal Educational Rights and
Privacy Act (FERPA) for both criminal and intelligence investigations. Another will permit Department of State consular officers to have access to U.S. criminal record databases such as the FBI's NCIC. Another will authorize the
Secretary of State to share visa records with foreign governments on a broader basis (now only for U.S. law enforcement purposes or pursuant to court order) and both on a one-time and on a negotiated basis. Other
changes relate to assets, given that money is the lifeblood of any enterprise. Until the Patriot Act, the United States had less authority to seize assets of terrorists than of drug dealers only direct proceeds of terrorist acts.
Now, for drug dealers and terrorists alike, the United States can seize any assets used to support their activity. In a similar vein, the President now has the authority to confiscate and vest in the United States the property of
enemies in undeclared wars (as we have now) as previously existed in times of declared war by Congress. The Patriot Act also strengthens many banking reporting laws but more remains to be done, such as addressing the problems of
the Hawalas (the informal, off-the-record international currency laundering businesses). Lastly, the Patriot Act also makes numerous amendments to the U.S. criminal code in terms of new offenses. While a full
discussion is beyond the scope of this article, they include, for example, harboring terrorists, possession rather than intended use of weapons of mass destruction, and conspiracy to commit terrorism.
National Security Letters (NSL) There also exists a little known, FISA-related provision known as the National Security Letter (NSL) authority
in three separate statutes. They are the ECPA (18 USC § 2709) for telephone and electronic communications records, the Right to Financial Privacy Act (RFPA), (12 U.S.C. 3414(a)(5)(A)) for financial records, and the Fair Credit Reporting Act (15 U.S.C. 1681u) for credit records. The NSL authority is essentially the intelligence corollary to the administrative subpoena provisions for criminal investigations. Likewise, §505 of the USA Patriot Act also modified the provisions by which the Director of the FBI may use this authority
from both a showing of relevance and an "agent of a foreign power" to only a certification of relevance to an intelligence or terrorism investigation. More specifically, the ECPA allows for access
to subscriber information and toll billing records information, or electronic communication transactional records. The FCRA allows for access to names and addresses of all financial institutions at which a consumer maintains or has
maintained an account, and identifying information respecting a consumer limited to name, address, former addresses, places of employment or former places of employment. And the FCRA data provides the input to the RFPA authority
by which the FBI can access an individual's institution-specific banking and credit records. Note that the NSL authority also prohibits any disclosure at any time of the fact that the FBI has sought such information. This is in
substantial contrast to the process for warrants and court orders where, even under the new secrecy provisions, there must be disclosure at some point in time. There is an interesting library-related history to
the NSL authority. The so-called Bork Bill the Video Privacy Act of 1988 was enacted without a library privacy provision because, during the debate, the FBI had requested an NSL exemption to enable them to obtain library
records. It was thus believed better to rely on state privacy laws and the traditional requirement for a search warrant. |
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Copyright © 2001, American Society for Information Science and Technology |